CALIFORNIA FOCUS
1720 OAK STREET, SANTA MONICA, CALIFORNIA 90405
FOR RELEASE: TUESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 2025, OR THEREAFTER
BY THOMAS D. ELIAS
“CAN NAMING RIGHTS, PLUS $1B
PER YEAR, RESCUE THE BULLET TRAIN?”
Imagine the “Google Switching
Center.” Now try on the “Sony Pictures In-Railroad Entertainment System.” And
the “Morton’s Steakhouse dining car.”
Naming rights have rescued major
California businesses before. Now the chief of the often-belittled California
High Speed Rail Authority (HSR) thinks they might be at least part of the
answer to keeping the half-built bullet train system going long enough to
actually carry passengers. Call this Part 2 of HSR’s survival strategy. Just
make sure much of the fees are collected in advance and that they’re enough to
make a difference.
Frequently called a
boondoggle, the train has already achieved Part 1 of its fiscal plan, an
absolute must after President Trump cancelled $4 billion in federal grant money
for the poorly planned but partly-built project.
That happened when Gov. Gavin
Newsom this fall signed a new law called SB 840, giving the train project one-fourth
of the state’s take (or about $1 billion a year) for 20 years from
cap-and-trade fees of companies that pay to continue their polluting ways. That
won’t build much in a project whose cost is now estimated at over $100 billion.
But it’s decent seed money.
HSR director Ian Choudri first
floated the idea of leveraging that money’s presence to help sell naming rights.
Some laughed. But Inglewood’s year-old Intuit Center brought in about $500
million for its naming and Aspiration Partners, a financial technology firm
that went bankrupt in March, reportedly offered $1 billion. And the Intuit
Center cannot even move.
If it costs that much to plaster
your name on a building, imagine how much could be raised by selling naming
rights for a constantly-running luxury train. When finished, the project is to link
San Diego and Sacramento. Naming rights could be sold for everything from the
entire system to engines, rail cars, stations, and even individual seats, along
with exclusive rights to advertise inside train cars. Names could also be
advertised beside each mile of track.
Consider what might have
happened to the former Staples Center in downtown Los Angeles, home to the
basketball Lakers and Sparks and the hockey Kings. When Staples office supplies
removed its name and money from the building, it might have turned moribund,
without an identity.
But the Singapore-based
Crypto.com exchange for bitcoin and related financial products stepped in. Now
the arena has a name and $35 million yearly in naming fees, the largest such
deal anywhere. It’s about double what AT&T pays for naming rights on the
Dallas Cowboys’ stadium.
Now think of the bullet
train, which appears more desperate for cash than any sports facility.
This project is many years
behind schedule in carrying its first passenger, and even then, it will likely be
in 2033 and only between Merced and Bakersfield.
The original plan voters
approved was to open the Los Angeles to San Francisco run by 2020.
The first leg of this system
will now cost an estimated $35 billion, more than the original budget for the entire
plan.
Enter naming rights. Besides
putting their name on various parts of the project, companies could buy
development rights for land around stations. They could fund and name tunnels
and perhaps charge for each passing train. Or they could buy rights to name
stretches of rail. All this could add up to a lot.
Whether it could produce the sums
still needed to build out the system is strictly speculative. But Choudri notes
that all environmental reviews for the Los Angeles to San Francisco run are in
hand and a rail system suitable for high speed operations already exists
between San Francisco and San Jose.
HSR officials note they have
built 54 structures and laid 70 miles of track, almost half what’s needed for
the Merced to Bakersfield run.
The real question is whether
this system can ever overcome its founding mistake, which was to build essentially
parallel to Highway 99, rather than on the often-wide state-owned median strip
of Interstate 5 along the western side of the San Joaquin Valley.
In short, can it overcome the
greed of politicians who insisted this system run through towns they
represented, rather than open spaces devoid of job-seeking constituents?
-30-
Email Thomas
Elias at tdelias@aol.com. His book, "The Burzynski Breakthrough: The Most
Promising Cancer Treatment and the Government’s Campaign to Squelch It,"
is now available in a soft cover fourth edition. For more Elias columns, visit www.californiafocus.net